Zemskov VN GULAG (historical and sociological aspect)
VN Zemskov
V.N. Zemskov
(historical and sociological aspect)
Sociological research.
1991, N.6 S.10-27; 1991, N.7. C.3-16
ZEMSKOV Viktor Nikolaevich - Candidate of Historical Sciences, senior researcher at the Institute of History of the USSR of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Permanent contributor to our magazine.
The purpose of this article is to show the true statistics of the Gulag prisoners, a significant part of which has already been cited in the articles by A.N. Dugin, V.F. Nekrasov, as well as in our publication in the weekly "Arguments and Facts".
Despite the presence of these publications, in which the corresponding truth and documented number of GULAG prisoners is called, the Soviet and foreign public for the most part is still under the influence of far-fetched statistical calculations that do not correspond to historical truth, contained both in the works of foreign authors (R. Conquest , S. Cohen and others), and in the publications of a number of Soviet researchers (R.A. Medvedev, V.A. Chalikova and others). Moreover, in the works of all these authors, the discrepancy with genuine statistics never goes in the direction of understatement, but exclusively only in the direction of multiple exaggeration. One gets the impression that they are competing with each other to amaze readers with numbers, so to speak, more astronomically.
Here is what, for example, S. Cohen writes (with reference to the book by R. Conquest "The Great Terror", published in 1968 in the USA): "... By the end of 1939, the number of prisoners in prisons and separate concentration camps increased to 9 million people (compared to 30 thousand in 1928 and 5 million in 1933-1935)" .
In reality, in January 1940, there were 1,334,408 prisoners in the Gulag camps, 315,584 in the Gulag colonies, and 190,266 in prisons.
In total, 1,850,258 prisoners were then in camps, colonies and prisons (Tables 1, 2), i.e. The statistics given by R. Conquest and S. Cohen are exaggerated by almost five times.
R. Conquest and S. Cohen are echoed by the Soviet researcher V. A. Chalikova, who writes: "Based on various data, calculations show that in the years 1937-1950
people ". V.A. Chalikova names the maximum figure - 12 million prisoners of the Gulag (apparently, she includes colonies in the concept of "camp") on a certain date, but in reality for the period 1934-1953 the maximum the number of prisoners in the Gulag on January 1, 1950 was 2,561,351 people (see Table 1). the number of prisoners in the Gulag.
N.S. Khrushchev also contributed to confusing the issue of the statistics of GULAG prisoners, who, apparently in order to present his own role as a liberator of the victims of Stalinist repressions, wrote in his memoirs:
"... When Stalin died, there were up to 10 million people in the camps."
1,727,970 in the camps and 740,554 in the colonies (cf.
tab. one). The TsGAOR of the USSR keeps copies of the memos of the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR addressed to N.S. Khrushev, indicating the exact number of prisoners, including at the time of I.V. Stalin's death. Consequently, N.S. Khrushchev was well informed about the true number of Gulag prisoners and deliberately exaggerated it four times.
Table 1
In labor camps (ITL)
Of those convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes
The same as a percentage
In corrective labor colonies (ITK)
*In camps and colonies.
table 2
The number of prisoners in the prisons of the USSR (data as of the middle of each month)
September
Available publications about the repressions of the 30s - early 50s, as a rule, contain distorted, greatly exaggerated data on the number of those convicted for political reasons or, as it was then officially called, for "counter-revolutionary crimes", i.e. under the infamous Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and under the corresponding articles of the Criminal Code of other Union republics. This also applies to the data cited by R.A. Medvedev on the scope of repressions in 1937-1938. Here is what he wrote: “In 1937-1938, according to my calculations, from 5 to 7 million people were repressed: about a million party members and about a million former party members as a result of party purges of the 20s and the first half of the 30s , the remaining 3-5 million people are non-partisan, belonging to all segments of the population.
Most of those arrested in 1937-1938. ended up in forced labor camps, a dense network of which covered the whole country.
According to R.A. Medvedev, the number of prisoners in the Gulag for 1937-1938. should have increased by several million people, but this was not observed. From January 1, 1937 to January 1, 1938, the number of prisoners in the Gulag increased from 1,196,369 to 1,881,570, and by January 1, 1939, it dropped to 1,672,438 people (see table.
one). For 1937-1938. in the Gulag, there was indeed a surge in the growth of the number of prisoners, but by several hundred thousand, and not by several million. And it was natural, because. in fact, the number of those convicted for political reasons (for "counter-revolutionary crimes") in the USSR for the period from 1921 to 1953, i.e. for 33 years, was about
human. The statements of R.A. Medvedev that, as if only in 1937-1938. 5-7 million people were repressed, do not correspond to the truth. The statement of the chairman of the KGB of the USSR V.A. Kryuchkov that in 1937-1938. no more than a million people were arrested, which is in full agreement with the current Gulag statistics that we studied in the second half of the 1930s.
In February 1954, in the name of N.S. Khrushchev, a certificate was prepared, signed by the Prosecutor General of the USSR R. Rudenko, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR S. Kruglov and the Minister of Justice of the USSR K. Gorshenin, which indicated the number of those convicted for counter-revolutionary crimes over the period 1921 to February 1, 1954. In total, during this period, 3,777,380 people were convicted by the Collegium of the OGPU, the "troikas" of the NKVD, the Special Meeting, the Military Collegium, courts and military tribunals, including capital punishment - 642,980, to detention in camps and prisons for a period of 25 years or less - 2,369,220, in exile and exile - 765,180 people. It was indicated that out of the total number of those arrested for counter-revolutionary crimes, approximately 2.9 million people were convicted by the Collegium of the OGPU, the "troikas" of the NKVD and the Special Conference (i.e., extrajudicial bodies) and 877 thousand - by courts, military tribunals, the Special Collegium and the Military College.
At present, it was said in the certificate, prisoners convicted of counter-revolutionary press are kept in camps and prisons.
Zemskov, Viktor Nikolaevich
| Viktor Nikolaevich Zemskov | |
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USSR → |
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| Place of work: | |
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Viktor Nikolaevich Zemskov- Russian historian, doctor of historical sciences (2005), researcher. Researcher of political repressions in the USSR in 1917-1954.
Biography
In 1981 he defended his PhD thesis " The contribution of the working class to strengthening the material and technical base of agriculture in the USSR in the 1960s».
In 1989, he became a member of the commission to determine the population losses of the History Department of the USSR Academy of Sciences, headed by Yu. A. Polyakov, corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The commission received access to the statistical reports of the OGPU-NKVD-MVD-MGB, stored in the Central State Archive of the October Revolution (TsGAOR).
In 2005 he defended his doctoral dissertation “ Special settlers in the USSR. 1930-1960».
Significance of scientific works
Thanks to V. N. Zemskov’s archival research, the public, who had previously scooped information about repressions in the USSR from A. I. Solzhenitsyn’s Gulag Archipelago, finally got the opportunity to find out the true extent of repressions. Sociologist and political scientist S. Kara-Murza characterizes the works of the historian V. N. Zemskov as follows:
... The historian VN Zemskov has been busy with painstaking but very important work for almost ten years: he systematizes archival data reflecting the activities of the Gulag and publishes detailed reports on all categories of the repressed. Publishes without emotion, in special journals on history and sociology. He himself is by no means a Stalinist, and this is reliably stated in publications. Not a Stalinist, but respects the facts. Democrats try not to notice him and not enter into polemics with him. But at first they staged an attack in the form of a damning article by A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko. V.N. Zemskov answered this in his dispassionate manner ...
Viktor Zemskov's response to A. V. Antonov-Ovseenko's criticism:
…AND. V. Antonov-Ovseenko on the pages of Literaturnaya Gazeta in the article "Confrontation" expressed an opinion about the false origin of the documents used by me and, consequently, the unreliable nature of the published figures (2). On this occasion it is necessary to say the following. The question of forgery could be considered if we relied on one or several disparate documents. However, it is impossible to forge a whole archival fund with thousands of storage units, which is in public storage, which also includes a huge array of primary materials (it is possible to assume that primary materials are fake only if we assume the absurd idea that each camp had two offices: one that conducted genuine office work , and the second - inauthentic). Nevertheless, all these documents have been subjected to a thorough source analysis, and their authenticity has been established with a 100% guarantee. The data of the primary materials ultimately coincide with the summary statistical reporting of the GULAG and with the information contained in the memorandums of the Gulag leadership addressed to N.I. Ezhov, L.P. Beria, S.N. V. Stalin. Therefore, the documentation of all levels that we used is genuine. The assumption that this documentation could contain underestimated information is untenable for the reason that it was unprofitable and even dangerous for the NKVD bodies to underestimate the scale of their activities, because otherwise they were in danger of falling out of favor with those in power for "insufficient activity."
The statistics of the GULAG prisoners, cited by A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko, is based on evidence that, as a rule, is far from the truth. So, in particular, he writes in the mentioned article: “According to the data of the Gulag General Supply Directorate, almost 16 million were on allowances in places of detention - according to the number of rations in the first post-war years.” The list of persons who used this document does not contain the name Antonova-Ovseenko. Consequently, he did not see this document and quotes it from someone else's words, and with the grossest distortion of meaning. If A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko had seen this document, he would probably have paid attention to the comma between the numbers 1 and 6, since in reality in the fall of 1945, not 16 million, but 1.6 million prisoners were kept in the camps and colonies of the Gulag .
The fact that the alleged statistics of A. V. Antonov-Ovseenko, as well as the information of O. G. Shatunovskaya, are refuted by the data of primary Gulag materials, makes further polemics on this topic completely meaningless ...
Publications
- // Sociological research. 1991. No. 7. S. 3-16.
- GULAG (historical and sociological aspect) // Sociological research. 1991. No. 6. S. 10-27.
- Demography of prisoners, special settlers and exiles (30s - 50s) // World of Russia. 1999. Vol. VIII. No. 4. S. 114-124.
- On the issue of the scale of repressions in the USSR // Sociological research. 1995. No. 9. S. 118-127.
- On the registration of the special contingent of the NKVD in the all-Union population censuses of 1937 and 1939. // Sociological research. 1991. No. 2. S. 74-75.
- // Sociological research. 1995. No. 6. S. 3-13.
- Repatriation of Soviet citizens and their further fate (1944-1956) // Sociological research. May 1995. No. 5. S. 3-13.
- Birth of the "Second Emigration" (1944-1952) // Sociological Studies. 1991. No. 4. S. 3-24.
- Special settlers (according to the documents of the NKVD-MVD of the USSR) // Sociological research. 1990. No. 11. S. 3-17.
- The fate of the "kulak exile" in the post-war period // Sociological research. 1992. No. 8. S. 18-37.
- "Kulak exile" on the eve and during the Great Patriotic War // Sociological research. 1992. No. 2. S. 3-26.
- Political repressions in the USSR (1917-1990) // Russia. XXI, 1994, No. 1-2.
- Special settlers in the USSR, 1930-1960 M. "Nauka" 2005 306 pages
Notes
Links
- All the victims of Stalin // La Vanguardia, June 3, 2001
- Special settlers in the USSR. 1930-1960 // M., 2003. - the link does not work. March 25, 2012.
- Interview with V. N. Zemskov in the program "Theory of Delusions"
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Viktor Nikolaevich Zemskov(January 30, 1946 - July 21, 2015, Moscow, Russian Federation) - Soviet and Russian historian, Doctor of Historical Sciences (2005), chief researcher at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Researcher of demographic aspects of political repressions in the USSR in 1917-1954.
Biography
Born in 1946.
In 1974 he graduated from the Moscow State University, started working there.
In 1981 he defended his Ph.D. thesis "The contribution of the working class to strengthening the material and technical base of agriculture in the USSR in the 1960s."
In 1989, he became a member of the commission for determining the population losses of the Department of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences, headed by Yu. A. Polyakov, corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences. The commission received access to the statistical reports of the OGPU-NKVD-MVD-MGB, stored in the Central State Archive of the October Revolution (TsGAOR of the USSR and the Central State Archive of the RSFSR in 1992 were merged into the State Archive of the Russian Federation).
In 2005 he defended his doctoral dissertation “Special settlers in the USSR. 1930-1960".
Member of the Academic Council of the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Member of the Dissertation Council at the Institute of Russian History of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
Member of the Association of World War II Historians.
Scientific Secretary of the Center for Military History of Russia.
Significance of scientific works
He was the discoverer of archival funds previously closed to scientists on the history of political repressions in the USSR. Thanks to the works of V. N. Zemskov, the public, which had previously drawn information about repressions in the USSR from journalism, had the opportunity to get acquainted with the scientific point of view on the nature and extent of repressions. Sociologist and political scientist S. Kara-Murza characterizes the work of V. N. Zemskov as follows:
... The historian VN Zemskov has been busy with painstaking but very important work for almost ten years: he systematizes archival data reflecting the activities of the Gulag and publishes detailed reports on all categories of the repressed. Publishes without emotion, in special journals on history and sociology. He himself is by no means a Stalinist, and this is reliably stated in publications. Not a Stalinist, but respects the facts. Democrats try not to notice him and not enter into polemics with him. But at first they staged an attack in the form of a damning article by A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko. V.N. Zemskov answered this in his dispassionate manner ...
S. G. Kara-Murza "Manipulation of Consciousness"
Viktor Zemskov's response to A. V. Antonov-Ovseenko's criticism:
…AND. V. Antonov-Ovseenko on the pages of Literaturnaya Gazeta in the article “Confrontation” expressed an opinion about the false origin of the documents used by me and, therefore, the unreliable nature of the published figures (2). On this occasion it is necessary to say the following. The question of forgery could be considered if we relied on one or several disparate documents. However, it is impossible to forge a whole archival fund with thousands of storage units, which is in public storage, which also includes a huge array of primary materials (it is possible to assume that primary materials are fake only if we assume the absurd idea that each camp had two offices: one that conducted genuine office work , and the second - inauthentic). Nevertheless, all these documents have been subjected to a thorough source analysis, and their authenticity has been established with a 100% guarantee. The data of the primary materials ultimately coincide with the summary statistical reporting of the GULAG and with the information contained in the memorandums of the Gulag leadership addressed to N.I. Ezhov, L.P. Beria, S.N. V. Stalin. Therefore, the documentation of all levels that we used is genuine. The assumption that this documentation could contain underestimated information is untenable for the reason that it was unprofitable and even dangerous for the NKVD bodies to underestimate the scale of their activities, because otherwise they were in danger of falling out of favor with those in power for "insufficient activity."
The statistics of the GULAG prisoners, cited by A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko, is based on evidence that, as a rule, is far from the truth. So, in particular, he writes in the mentioned article: “According to the data of the Gulag General Supply Directorate, almost 16 million were on allowances in places of detention - according to the number of rations in the first post-war years.” The list of persons who used this document does not contain the name Antonova-Ovseenko. Consequently, he did not see this document and quotes it from someone else's words, and with the grossest distortion of meaning. If A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko had seen this document, he would probably have paid attention to the comma between the numbers 1 and 6, since in reality in the fall of 1945, not 16 million, but 1.6 million prisoners were kept in the camps and colonies of the Gulag .
The fact that the alleged statistics of A. V. Antonov-Ovseenko, as well as the information of O. G. Shatunovskaya, are refuted by the data of primary Gulag materials, makes further polemics on this topic completely meaningless ...
V. N. Zemskov Prisoners, special settlers, exiled settlers, exiles and deportees
Human life is priceless. Killing innocent people cannot be justified - be it one person or millions. But the researcher cannot confine himself to a moral assessment of historical events and phenomena. His duty is the resurrection of the true image of our past. Especially when certain aspects of it become the object of political speculation. All of the above fully applies to the problem of political repression in the USSR, the analysis of which is the subject of this article.
In early 1989, by decision of the Presidium of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the Commission of the Department of History of the USSR Academy of Sciences of the USSR was established, headed by Corresponding Member of the USSR Academy of Sciences Yu.A. Polyakov to determine the loss of the population. Being a member of this commission, we were among the first historians to have access to the statistical reporting of the OGPU-NKVD-MVD-MGB, which was in special storage in the Central State Archive of the October Revolution, the highest bodies of state power and bodies government controlled USSR (TsGAOR USSR), now renamed the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). We would like to acquaint the readers of the Rossiya XXI magazine with the summary results of our research.
Genuine statistics
What did we discover?
As early as the beginning of 1954, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR drew up a certificate on them N. S. Khrushchev on the number of those convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes, i.e., under Article 58 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR and under the corresponding articles of the Criminal Code of other Union republics, for the period 192I -1953 (The document was signed by three people - the USSR Prosecutor General R.A. Rudenko, the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR S.N. Kruglov and the Minister of Justice of the USSR K.P. Gorshenin). It was a reference on five typewritten pages, compiled at the direction of N.S. Khrushchev and dated February 1, 1954.
The document stated that, according to the data available in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR, for the period from 1921 to the present, i.e. until the beginning of 1954, for counter-revolutionary crimes he was convicted by the Collegium of the OGPU and troikas of the NKVD, the Special Conference, the Military Collegium, courts and military tribunals 3,777,380 people, including capital punishment - 642,980, detention in camps and prisons for a period of 25 years or less - 2,369,220, exile and exile - 765,180 people. It was pointed out that out of the total number of those arrested for counter-revolutionary crimes, approximately 2.9 million people were convicted by the Collegium of the OGPU by the troikas of the NKVD and the Special Conference (i.e., extrajudicial bodies) 877 thousand - by courts, military tribunals, the Special Collegium and the Military Collegium. At present, it was said in the certificate, there are 467,946 prisoners convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes in camps and prisons. and, in addition, is in exile after serving a sentence for counter-revolutionary crimes directed by the directive of the MGB and the USSR Prosecutor's Office - 62,462 people.
It was noted that 442,531 people were convicted, including 10,101 sentenced to capital punishment, to deprivation of liberty - 360,921, to exile and expulsion (within the country) - 67,539 and to other penalties (offset of the time spent in custody, expulsion abroad, compulsory treatment) - 3970 people. The vast majority whose cases were considered by the Special Conference were convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes.
In the original version of the certificate, compiled in December 1953, when the number of convicts convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes then available in places of deprivation of liberty was 474,950 people, the geography of the placement of 400,296 prisoners was given: in Komi ACCP - 95,899 (and, in addition, , in Pecherlag - 10,121), in the Kazakh SSR - 57,989 (of which in the Karaganda region - 56,423), in the Khabarovsk Territory - 52,742, the Irkutsk Region - 47,053, the Krasnoyarsk Territory - 33,233, the Mordovian ASSP -17 104, Molotov region - 15 832, Omsk - 15 422, Sverdlovsk - 14 453, Kemerovo - 8403, Gorky - 8210, Bashkir ASSR - 7854, Kirov region - 6344, Kuibyshev - 4936 and Yaroslavl - 4701 people. The remaining 74,654 political prisoners were in other regions (Magadan Region, Primorsky Territory, Yakut Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, etc.). Persons who were in exile and exile at the end of 1953, from among the former prisoners convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes, lived in the Krasnoyarsk Territory - 30,575, the Kazakh SSR - 12,465, in the Far North - 10,276, in the Komi ASSR - 3880, Novosibirsk region - 3850, in other regions - 1416 people.
At the end of 1953, another certificate was prepared by the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs. In it, on the basis of statistical reporting of the 1st special department of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, the number of those convicted for counter-revolutionary and other especially dangerous state crimes for the period from January 1, 1921 to July 1, 1953 was 4,060,306 people (January 5, 1954 in the name G. M. Malenkov and N. S. Khrushchev was sent a letter No. 26 / K signed by S. N. Kruglov with the content of this information) .
This figure was made up of 3,777,380 convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes and 282,926 for other especially dangerous state crimes. The latter were convicted not under the 58th, but under other equivalent articles; first of all, according to paragraphs. 2 and 3 Art. 59 (especially dangerous banditry) and Art. 193 24 (military espionage). For example, part of the Basmachi was convicted not under the 58th, but under the 59th article.
| YEARS | Total convicted (people) | Higher measure | camps, colonies expulsion | Other measures |
|
| 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 |
| 1921 | 35829 | 9701 | 21724 | 1817 | 2587 |
| 1922 | 6003 | 1962 | 2656 | 166 | 1219 |
| 1923 | 4794 | 414 | 2336 | 2044 | - |
| 1924 | 12425 | 2550 | 4151 | 5724 | - |
| 1925 | 15995 | 2433 | 6851 | 6274 | 437 |
| 1926 | 17804 | 990 | 7547 | 8571 | 696 |
| 1927 | 26036 | 2363 | 12267 | 11235 | 171 |
| 1928 | 33757 | 869 | 16211 | 15640 | 1037 |
| 1929 | 56220 | 2109 | 25853 | 24517 | 3742 |
| 1930 | 208068 | 20201 | 114443 | 58816 | 14609 |
| 1931 | 180696 | 10651 | 105863 | 63269 | 1093 |
| 1932 | 141919 | 2728 | 73946 | 36017 | 29228 |
| 1933 | 239664 | 2154 | 138903 | 54262 | 44345 |
| 1934 | 78999 | 2056 | 59451 | 5994 | 11498 |
| 1935 | 267076 | 1229 | 185846 | 33601 | 46400 |
| 1936 | 274670 | 1118 | 219418 | 23719 | 3015 |
| 1937 | 790665 | 353074 | 429311 | 1366 | 6914 |
| 1938 | 554258 | 328618 | 205509 | 16842 | 3289 |
| 1939 | 63889 | 2552 | 54666 | 3783 | 2888 |
| 1940 | 71806 | 1649 | 65727 | 2142 | 2288 |
| 1941 | 75411 | 8011 | 65000 | 1200 | 1210 |
| 1942 | 124406 | 23278 | 88809 | 1070 | 5249 |
| 1943 | 78441 | 3579 | 68887 | 7070 | 5249 |
| 1944 | 78441 | 3579 | 68887 | 4787 | 1188 |
| 1945 | 75109 | 3029 | 70610 | 649 | 821 |
| 1946 | 123248 | 4252 | 116681 | 1647 | 668 |
| 1947 | 123294 | 2896 | 117943 | 1498 | 957 |
| 1948 | 78810 | 1105 | 76581 | 666 | 458 |
| 1949 | 73269 | - | 72552 | 419 | 298 |
| 1950 | 75125 | - | 64509 | 10316 | 300 |
| 1951 | 60641 | 475 | 54466 | 5225 | 475 |
| 1952 | 28800 | 1612 | 25824 | 773 | 951 |
| 1953 (first half) | 8403 | 198 | 7894 | 38 | 273 |
| Total | 4060306 | 799455 | 2634397 | 413512 | 215942 |
It should be borne in mind that the concepts of "arrested" and "convicted" are not identical. The total number of convicts does not include those arrested who, in the course of the preliminary investigation, i.e., conviction, died, fled or were released. This also does not include those arrested who were declared innocent by one or another judicial or extrajudicial body (meaning that the case came to a conviction, but the verdict was acquittal).
Until the end of the 80s. in the USSR, this information was a state secret. For the first time, real statistics of those convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes was published in September 1989, in an article by V.F. Nekrasov in Komsomolskaya Pravda. Then this information was presented in more detail in the articles by A.N. Dugin (newspaper "On a combat post", December 1989) V.N. Zemskov and D.N. Nokhotovich (“Arguments and Facts”, February 1990), in other publications by V.N. Zemskov and A.N. Dugin (the latter should not be confused with his namesake from the Den newspaper). The number of those convicted for counter-revolutionary and other especially dangerous state crimes was first made public in 1990 in one of the articles by A.N. Yakovlev in the Izvestia newspaper. In more detail this statistics, with dynamics by years, was published in 1992 by V.P. Popov in the journal "Domestic Archives".
We specifically draw attention to these publications, because they contain the true statistics of political repressions. So far, they are, figuratively speaking, a drop in the ocean compared to numerous publications of a different kind, in which unreliable figures are called, as a rule, many times exaggerated.
"Democratic" statistics
Public reaction to the publication of true statistics of political repression was mixed. It has often been suggested that this is a fake. Well-known publicist A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko, focusing on the fact that these documents were signed by such interested persons as Rudenko, Kruglov and Gorshenin, inspired the readers of Literaturnaya Gazeta: “The disinformation service has been at its best at all times. Under Khrushchev, too ... So, in 32 years - less than four million. Who needs such criminal references, of course.”
Despite the confidence of A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko that these statistics are misinformation, we will dare to say that he is wrong. These are genuine statistics compiled by summation for 1921–1953. relevant primary data available in the 1st special department. This special department, which was part of different time in the structure of the OGPU, the NKVD, the MGB (from 1953 to the present - the Ministry of Internal Affairs), was collecting complete information on the number of convicts from all judicial and extrajudicial bodies. The 1st Special Department is not an organ for disinformation, but for the collection of comprehensive objective information.
Considering the problem of the reliability of the primary data of correctional labor institutions, the following two circumstances must be taken into account. On the one hand, their administration, in its reporting, was not interested in underestimating the number of prisoners, because this automatically led to a decrease in the food supply plan for camps, prisons and correctional colonies. The deterioration in nutrition would be accompanied by an increase in mortality, which would lead to the disruption of a huge production program GULAG. On the other hand, inflating data on the number of prisoners also did not correspond to departmental interests, because it was fraught with a similar (i.e., impossible) increase in production targets from the planning authorities. And for non-fulfillment of the plan in those days they asked strictly. It seems that the result of these objective departmental interests was a sufficient degree of reliability of reporting. In addition, one should take into account the “Stakhanovite” psychology of the representatives of the punitive organs of those years: the more they identified and imprisoned “enemies of the people”, the better they were considered to work. So they could not think of underestimating the number of convicts.
The publication of R.A. Medvedev in Moscow News" (November 1988) on the statistics of the victims of Stalinism.
According to his calculations, for the period 1927-1953. about 40 million people were repressed, including dispossessed, deported, starved to death in 1933, and others. this figure was one of the most popular in the propaganda of the crimes of Stalinism and quite firmly entered the mass consciousness. In fact, such a number (40 million) is not obtained even with the broadest interpretation of the concept of “victims of repression”. In these 40 million RA Medvedev included 10 million dispossessed in 1929-1933. (in reality there were about 4 million), almost 2 million evicted in 1939-1940. Poles (in fact - about 380 thousand) - and in this spirit, absolutely in all the components that made up this astronomical figure. According to R.A. Medvedev, in 1937-1938. 5 - 7 million were repressed (actually - 1.5 million); and 10 million in 1941-1946. - this is absolutely fantastic, even if we include more than 2 million evicted Germans, Kalmyks, Crimean Tatars, Chechens, Ingush, etc.
We often heard that the calculations of RA. Medvedev, perhaps, are correct, since he poses the problem of the repressed in a broad sense. Therefore, we deliberately dwelled on his calculations in such detail in order to show: no matter how the problem is posed (broad or narrow), the statistics of R.A. Medvedev is not true; in any case, there is not a single figure in his calculations that even remotely resembles the real statistics.
However, these 40 million soon ceased to satisfy the "growing needs" of certain political forces in slandering national history Soviet period. The "research" of American and other Western Sovietologists was used, according to which 50-60 million people died in the USSR from terror and repression. Like R.A. Medvedev, all components of such calculations were extremely overestimated; the difference of 10-20 million was explained by the fact that R.A. Medvedev started counting from 1927, and Western Sovietologists - from 1917. If RA. Medvedev stipulated in his article that repressions are not always death, that most of the dispossessed remained alive, that of those repressed in 1937-1938. a smaller part was shot, etc., then a number of his Western colleagues called the figure of 50-60 million people as physically exterminated and died as a result of terror, repression, famine, collectivization, etc. We doubt the scientific integrity of all these authors. Here, we can rather talk about how conscientiously they worked to fulfill the orders of politicians and special services of their countries in order to discredit their Cold War adversary in a scientific form, not shunning to fabricate direct slander.
This, of course, does not mean that there were no researchers in foreign Sovietology who tried to study Soviet history objectively and conscientiously. Leading scientists, experts in Soviet history S. Wheatcroft (Australia), R. Davis (England), G. Rittershporn (France) and some others, openly criticized the studies of most Sovietologists and argued that in reality the number of victims of repression, collectivization, famine, etc. in the USSR was significantly less.
However, the works of these foreign scientists, with their incomparably more objective assessment of the scale of repression, were hushed up in our country. Only that which contained unreliable, many times exaggerated statistics of repressions was actively introduced into the mass consciousness.
These mythical 50–60 million soon overshadowed Roymedvedev's 40 million in the mass consciousness. Therefore, when the chairman of the KGB of the USSR V.A. Kryuchkov, in his speeches on television, called the true statistics of political repressions, many literally did not believe their ears, believing that they had misheard. Journalist A. Milchakov in 1990 shared with the readers of "Evening Moscow" his impression of the speech of V.A. Kryuchkova: “... And then he said: thus, there can be no talk of tens of millions. I don't know if he did it deliberately. But I am familiar with the latest widespread studies, which I believe, and I ask the readers of Vechernaya Moskva to read the work of A.I. Solzhenitsyn "The Gulag Archipelago", I ask you to familiarize yourself with the studies of our most famous literary scholar I. Vinogradov published in Moskovsky Komsomolets. He names a figure of 50-60 million people. I would also like to draw attention to the studies of American Sovietologists, which confirm this figure. And I am deeply convinced of it.
Comments, as they say, are unnecessary. Distrust is shown only to documented information, and immense trust - to the formation of the opposite nature.
However, this was not yet the limit of fooling the public. In June 1991, Komsomolskaya Pravda publishes an interview with A.I. Solzhenitsyn to Spanish television in 1976. From it we learned the following: “Professor Kurganov indirectly calculated that from 1917 to 1959 only from the internal war of the Soviet regime against its people, that is, from its destruction by hunger, collectivization, exile of peasants to destruction, prisons, camps, simple executions - only from this we lost, along with our civil war, 66 million people ... According to his calculations, we lost 44 million people in the Second World War from its neglect, from its sloppy conduct! So, in total we lost from the socialist system - 110 million people!” .
Some questions and clarifications.
Let us make some clarifications. Reduction in the population of the USSR for 1941–1945. amounted to not 44 million, but 27 million people (this number includes not only the dead and the dead, but also the "second emigration"). R.A. Medvedev assumes that until 1946, inclusive, the NKVD authorities repressed from 2 to 3 million people living on the territory of the USSR, which was subjected to fascist occupation.
In fact, throughout the Soviet Union in 1944-1946. 321,651 people were convicted for political reasons, of which 10,177 were sentenced to capital punishment. It seems that most of the convicts from the former occupied territory were punished fairly for specific treasonous activities. It is possible, in our opinion, to speak about the moral punishment of the population of this territory by including the column “residence in the occupied territory” in the questionnaires, which in practice created complications in a service career. The strange one-sidedness in the coverage of repressions and genocide is striking. The scale of repressions of the NKVD against the Soviet population living in the occupied territory is inflated in every possible way, while the fascist genocide is hushed up. At one time, headed by Academician N.N. Burdenko, the Extraordinary State Commission for the Investigation of the Atrocities of the Nazi Invaders and Their Accomplices established that 10.7 million Soviet citizens (including prisoners of war) were killed and tortured in the occupied territory of the USSR.
Such huge sacrifices cannot be called the inevitable costs of war. It was a deliberate policy of the then leadership of Germany to weaken the biological potential of the Slavs, Jews, Gypsies and other "inferior" ethnic groups.
The assertion, which is widely used in Western Sovietology, is that during the collectivization of 1929-1932. 6-7 million peasants (mostly kulaks) died, does not stand up to criticism. In 1930 −1931. a little more than 1.8 million peasants were sent to the “kulak exile”, and at the beginning of 1932 there were 1.3 million of them there. A decrease of 0.5 million accounted for mortality, escapes and the release of “wrongly deported”. For 1932–1940 in "kulak exile" 230,258 were born, 389,521 died, 629,042 fled, and 235,120 returned from exile. Moreover, since 1935, the birth rate has become higher than the death rate: in 1932-1934. in the “kulak exile” 49,168 were born and 281,367 died, in 1935–1940. - respectively 181,090 and 108,154 people.
The number of victims of repression often includes those who died of starvation in 1933. Undoubtedly, the state, with its fiscal policy, then committed a monstrous crime against millions of peasants. However, their inclusion in the category of “victims of political repressions” is hardly justified. These are the victims of the economic policy of the state (an analogue is the millions of Russian babies unborn as a result of the shock reforms of the radical democrats). In regions affected by drought (Ukraine, the North Caucasus, the Volga region, Kazakhstan, and some other regions), the state did not consider it necessary to reduce the volume of mandatory supplies and confiscated the meager harvest from the peasants to the last grain, dooming them to starvation. The exact number of deaths has not yet been established. In the literature, numbers are usually given from 6 to 10 million, and only in Ukraine these estimates range from 3–4 to 6–7 million. However, birth and death statistics in 1932–1933. leads to the conclusion that these estimates are greatly exaggerated. According to the Central Department of Economic Accounting of the State Planning Committee of the USSR, in 1932 in Ukraine 782 thousand were born and 668 thousand died, in 1933 - respectively 359 thousand and 1309 thousand people.
Here it is necessary to take into account the annual natural mortality (from old age, illness, accidents, etc.), but it is clear that the first place in terms of number should be given to those who died of starvation.
AT last years in Ukraine, the idea is actively promoted (including in scientific circles) that the famine of 1932-1933. was a consequence of the anti-Ukrainian policy of Moscow, that it was a deliberate genocide against Ukrainians, etc. But the population of the North Caucasus, the Volga region, Kazakhstan and other regions where famine reigned was in exactly the same situation. There was no selective anti-Russian, anti-Ukrainian, anti-Tatar or anti-Kazakh orientation here. The state, with its fiscal policy, has committed a crime against the entire peasantry, regardless of nationality.
The losses of those deported in 1941-1944 are also greatly exaggerated. peoples - Germans, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush, Karachays, Balkars, Crimean Tatars, Greeks, Armenians and Bulgarians, from the Meskhetian Turks, Kurds, Khemshils, Azerbaijanis evicted from Georgia in 1944. R.A. Medvedev puts the number of deaths during and after the eviction at 1 million people.
If this were the case, then for small peoples such sacrifices would mean a terrible blow to their biological potential, from which they would hardly have recovered by now. In the press, for example, estimates slipped, according to which up to 40% of Crimean Tatars died during transportation to places of expulsion. Whereas it follows from the documents that out of 151,720 Crimean Tatars sent to the Uzbek SSR in May 1944, 151,529 were accepted by the NKVD bodies of Uzbekistan according to acts, and 191 people (0.13%) died on the way.
Another thing is that in the first years of life in a special settlement, in the process of painful adaptation, mortality significantly exceeded the birth rate. From the moment of the initial settlement until October 1, 1948, 25,792 were born and 45,275 died among the evicted Germans (without a labor army), 28,120 and 146,892 respectively among the North Caucasians, 6,564 and 44,887 among the Crimeans, and 6,564 and 44,887 among those evicted in 1944. from Georgia - 2,873 and 15,432; among the Kalmyks - 2,702 and 16,594 people. Since 1949, the birth rate has become higher than the death rate in all of them.
"Heavy artillery" - version of Shatunovskaya
In recent years, the media from time to time, but quite regularly, provides statistics on political repressions according to the memoirs of O.G. Shatunovskaya. Shatunovskaya is a former member of the Party Control Committee under the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Commission for the Investigation of the Murder of the SM. Kirov and political trials of the 30s during the time of N.S. Khrushchev. In 1990, her memoirs were published in Arguments and Facts, where she, referring to a certain document of the KGB of the USSR, which later allegedly mysteriously disappeared, noted: “... From January 1, 1935 to June 22, 1941, she was arrested 19 million 840
thousand "enemies of the people". Of these, 7 million were shot. Most of the rest died in the camps.”
In fact, in 1935-1941. 2,097,775 people were convicted of counter-revolutionary and other dangerous state crimes, of which 696,251 were sentenced to capital punishment.
Statement by O.G. Shatunovskaya, “most of the rest died in the camps” (presumably 7-10 million), of course, is also not true. We have absolutely accurate information that in 20 years (from January 1, 1934 to January 1, 1954) 1,053,829 prisoners died in the forced labor camps (ITL) of the Gulag.
For the period 1939–1951. (there was no information for 1945) 86,582 people died in the prisons of the USSR.
Unfortunately, in the documents of the GULAG, we were unable to find a summary statistics of mortality in the corrective labor colonies (ITK) of the GULAG. Separate fragmentary information that we have identified allows us to conclude that mortality in ITK was lower than in ITL. So, in 1939 in the camps it was at the level of 3.29% of the annual contingent, and in the colonies - 2.30%. This is confirmed by another fact: with an approximately even number and circulation of departing and arriving prisoners in 1945, 43,848 prisoners died in the ITL, and 37,221 prisoners died in the ITK. In 1935–1938 in the ITK there were approximately 2 times fewer prisoners than in the ITL, in 1939 - 3.7, 1940 - 4 times, 1941 - 3.5, 1942 - almost 4 times, 1943 - almost 2 times less. In 1944–1949 the number of prisoners in ITL and ITK was approximately the same; - almost 2.5 times.
Average for 1935-1953. in the colonies there were about 2 times fewer prisoners than in the camps, and the mortality rate there per "capita" was lower. Using the extrapolation method, it can be stated with a sufficient degree of certainty that in the colonies in 1935–1953. no more than 0.5 million people died.
Thus, in the period 1934-1953 gt. approximately 1.6-1.7 million prisoners died in camps, colonies and prisons. Moreover, this number includes not only “enemies of the people”, but also criminals (there were more of the latter). The ratio between political and criminals in the Gulag at different times fluctuated quite significantly, but on average for the 30s - early 50s. it was close to the level of 1:3. Characteristic are the data as of January 1, 1951, when 2,528,146 prisoners were kept in the Gulag, of which 579,918 were political prisoners and 1,948,228 were convicted of criminal offenses, that is, in a ratio of 1: 3.3, including in camps - 1:2.2 (475,976 and 1,057,791) and in the colonies - 1:8.5 (103,942 and 890,437).
Even taking into account the numerous evidence available in the literature that the death rate among the political was higher than that of the criminals, we cannot lower this ratio below the level of 1:2. Based on the above statistics, it can be argued that for every political person who died in prison, there were at least two criminals who died.
And what about the carelessly abandoned O.G. Shatunov's phrase: "Most of the rest died in the camps"? If you believe its fantastic figures for a moment, then this “most of the rest” must be counted from almost 13 million people (and only “enemies of the people”, without criminals) who were arrested in 1935-1941. and not immediately shot. In the light of all the above data, taken from numerous archival documents, Shatunovskaya's "version" is not only bursting at the seams, but also looks like sheer absurdity. In fact, over a 20-year period (1934–1953), the number of “enemies of the people” who were not sentenced to capital punishment, but subsequently died in places of deprivation of liberty, did not exceed 600 thousand people.
Motives for O.G. Shatunovskaya is not entirely clear: either she deliberately invented these figures for the purpose of revenge (she was repressed), or she herself became a victim of some kind of disinformation. Shatunovskaya assured that N.S. Khrushchev allegedly requested a certificate citing these sensational figures in 1956. This is very doubtful. All information about the statistics of political repressions was presented in two certificates prepared in late 1953 - early 1954, which we spoke about above. Even if in 1956 Khrushchev ordered this certificate, the KGB of the USSR could only repeat the figures from the summary statistics of the 1st Special Department of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs, which contained the most complete information on this issue.
We are sure that such a document never existed, although attempts have been made in the press to prove the contrary. This is the “proof” A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko: “While preparing the text of his report at the 20th Congress, N. Khrushchev requested data on repressions from the KGB. The chairman of the committee, A. Shelepin, handed over the corresponding certificate personally to Khrushchev, and he acquainted Shatunovskaya with it together with an employee of the Central Committee apparatus A. Kuznetsov. From January 1935 to June 1941, 19,840,000 people were repressed in the country, of which 7 million were executed and died under torture in the first year after their arrest. Kuznetsov showed a copy of the document to Khrushchev's assistant I.P. Aleksakhin.
Here the question is appropriate: what prevents the political forces currently in power, no less than O.G. Shatunovskaya and A.V. Antonov-Ovseenko interested, presumably, in exposing the crimes of Stalinism, to officially confirm the statistics of Shatunovskaya with reference to a trustworthy document? If, according to Shatunovskaya and Antonov-Ovseenko, the security service prepared such a certificate in 1956, what prevented them from doing the same in 1991-1993? Indeed, even if the summary certificate of 1956 was destroyed, the primary data were preserved. Neither the Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation (MBRF), nor the Ministry of Internal Affairs, nor other bodies could do this for the simple reason that all the relevant information they have directly refutes Shatunovskaya's statistics.
IBRF Data and the Real Problems of Repression Statistics
On August 2, 1992, a briefing was held at the IBRF press center, at which Major General A. Krayushkin, head of the registration and archival funds department of the IBRF, told reporters and other guests that during the entire period of communist power (1917–1990) in the USSR, 3,853,900 people were convicted of state crimes and some other articles of the criminal legislation of a similar nature, 827,995 of them were sentenced to death. In the terminology voiced at the briefing, this corresponds to the wording "for counter-revolutionary and other especially dangerous state crimes." The reaction of the mass media to this event is curious: most of the newspapers bypassed it with deathly silence. To some, these figures seemed too large, to others too small, and as a result, the editorial boards of newspapers of various trends chose not to publish this material, thereby concealing socially significant information from their readers (silence, as you know, is one of the forms of slander). We must pay tribute to the editorial board of the Izvestia newspaper, which published a detailed report on the briefing, indicating the statistics given there.
It is noteworthy that in the above IBRF data, the addition of information for 1917–1920 and 1954–1990. did not fundamentally change the statistics of political repressions given by us for the period 1921-1953. The IBRF employees used some other source, the information of which is somewhat at odds with the statistics of the 1st special department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. A comparison of the information from these two sources leads to a very unexpected result: according to the information of the IBRF in 1917-1990. for political reasons, 3,853,900 were convicted, and according to the statistics of the 1st special department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1921–1953. - 4,060,306 people.
In our opinion, this discrepancy should be explained not by the incompleteness of the IBRF source, but by the more rigorous approach of the compilers of this source to the concept of “victims of political repressions”. When working in the GARF with operational materials of the OGPU-NKVD, we noticed that quite often cases were submitted for consideration by the Collegium of the OGPU, the Special Meeting and other bodies, both political or especially dangerous state criminals, and ordinary criminals who robbed factory warehouses, collective farm storerooms etc. For this reason, they were included in the statistics of the 1st special department as “counter-revolutionaries” and, according to current concepts, are “victims of political repressions” (this can only be said about recidivist thieves as a mockery), and they are eliminated in the IBRF source. This is our version, but we fully admit that, perhaps, the reason for the discrepancy in these figures lies in something else.
The problem of screening out criminals from the total number of those convicted of counter-revolutionary and other especially dangerous state crimes is much more serious than it might seem at first glance. If their screening was made in the source of the IBRF, then it is far from complete. In one of the certificates prepared by the 1st Special Department of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in December 1953, there is a note: “Total convicted for 1921-1938. - 2,944,879 people, of which 30% (1062 thousand) are criminals.
This means that in 1921-1938. there were 1,883,000 political prisoners; for the period 1921-1953. it turns out not 4060 thousand, but less than 3 million. And this is provided that in 1939 - 1953. there were no criminals among the convicted "counter-revolutionaries", which is highly doubtful. True, in practice there were facts when political ones were convicted under criminal articles.
We believe that the IBRF source's information on the period of the civil war is incomplete. It certainly did not take into account the many victims of lynching of "counter-revolutionaries". These lynchings were not documented at all, and the source of the IBRF clearly takes into account only the number that is confirmed by the documents. It is also doubtful that in 1918-1920. Moscow received exhaustive information from the localities about the number of repressed.
With documented evidence that O.G. Shatunovskaya is unreliable, in 1991 we published the corresponding rebuttals on the pages of the academic journal Sociological Research.
It seemed that with the version of Shatunovskaya the issue was resolved. But it was not there. Both radio and television continued to propagate her figures in a rather obsessive way. For example, on March 5, 1992, in the evening program Novosti, the announcer T. Komarova broadcast to a large audience about 19 million 840 thousand repressed, of which 7 million were executed in 1935-1940. as an undeniably established fact. On March 10 of the same year, at a meeting of the Constitutional Court, lawyer A. Makarov read out a letter from Shatunovskaya with her numbers as evidence. And this happened at a time when historical science proved the unreliability of this information and had at its disposal genuine statistics. It would not be enough to explain all this in terms of political bias or ignorance. Here, a boorish-scornful attitude towards domestic science looms quite clearly.
Among the unconditional victims of the Bolshevik regime, amateurs from history include all the human losses during the civil war. From the autumn of 1917 to the beginning of 1922, the population of the country decreased by 1922 by 12,741.3 thousand people; this includes white emigration, the number of which is not exactly known (approximately 1.5 - 2 million).
Only one opposing side (red) is categorically declared to be the culprit of the civil war, and all the victims, including their own, are attributed to it. How many "revealing" materials have been published in recent years about the "sealed carriage", "the intrigues of the Bolsheviks", etc.?! Don't count. It was often argued that if there were no Lenin, Trotsky and other Bolshevik leaders, then there would be no revolution, red movement and civil war (we add on our own: with the same “success” it can be argued that if there were no Denikin, Kolchak, Yudenich, Wrangel , then there would be no white movement). The absurdity of such statements is quite obvious. The most powerful social explosion in world history, which was the events of 1917-1920. in Russia, was predetermined by the entire previous course of history and caused by a complex set of intractable social, class, national, regional and other contradictions. There are no right and wrong here. If anyone can be blamed, then only the fateful course of history, which sent down in 1917-1920. a difficult test for our people.
In light of this, we cannot broadly interpret the concept of "victims of political repression" and include in it only persons arrested and convicted by the punitive bodies of the Soviet government for political reasons. This means that the victims of political repression are not the millions who died from typhus, typhoid and recurrent typhus and other diseases. Neither are the millions of people who died on the fronts of the civil war on all opposing sides, who died of hunger, cold, etc. And as a result, it turns out that the victims of political repression (during the years of the Red Terror) are not only not millions, but not even hundreds thousand. The most we can talk about is tens of thousands. Not without reason, when at a briefing in the press center on August 2, 1992, the number of those convicted for political reasons starting from 1917 was named, it did not fundamentally affect the corresponding statistics, if we count from 1921.
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GARF. Collection of documents.
GARF. Collection of documents; Popov V.P. State terror in Soviet Russia. 1923-1953: sources and their interpretation. / Otechestvennye archives, 1992, No. 2. P. 28
Nekrasov V.F. Ten "iron" people's commissars I Komsomolskaya Pravda, 1989, September 29; Dugin A.N. Gulag: opening the archive / At a combat post, 1989. Dec. 27; Zemskov V.N. and Nokhotovich D.N. Statistics of those convicted of counter-revolutionary crimes in 1921-1953 / Arguments and Facts, 1990, No. 5; Dugin AN. Gulag: through the eyes of a historian / Soyuz, 1990, No. 9; Dugin AN. Stalinism: legends and facts / Word, 1990, No. 7; Dugin A.N. The Archives Speak: Unknown Pages of the Gulag / Socio-Political Sciences,
1990, No. 7; Dugin AN. and Malygin A.Ya. Solzhenitsyn, Rybakov: technology of lies / Military History Journal, 1991, No. 7; Zemskoe V.N. Gulag: historical and sociological aspect, 1991, nos. 6–7; Zemskoe V.N. Prisoners, special settlers, exiled settlers, exiles and deportees: statistical and geographical aspect / History of the USSR, 1991, No. 5; Popov V.P. State terror in Soviet Russia. 1923–1953: sources and their interpretation / Domestic archives, 1992, "No. 2.
See Danilov V.P. Collectivization: how it was / Pages of history, Soviet society - facts, problems, people. M., 1989. P. 250.
Reflections on two civil wars: A. I. Solzhenitsyn's interview with Spanish television in 1976 / Komsomolskaya Pravda, 1991. June 4.
History of the USSR from ancient times to the present day. M., 1973. T. 10. S. 390.
GARF, f.9479, op.1, d.89, l.205,216.
Polyakov Yu.A., Zhyromskaya V.B., Kiselev I.N. Half a century of silence: the all-Union population census of 1937 / Sociological research, 1990 No. 6; All-Union population census of 1939: Main results. M., 1992. S. 21.
G ARF, f. 9479, on 1, d. 179, l. 241–242.
Ibid., d.436, l. 14, 26, 65-67
Shatunovskaya O.G. Falsification / Arguments and Facts, 1990. No. 221.
G ARF. f. 9414, on. 1, d. 1155, l 2; d. 1190, l 36; file 1319, l. 2–15.
There. Collection of documents.
There, f. 9414, on. 1, file 330, sheet 55; house 1155, l 2; file 1190, l 26; file 1319, l 2–15.
Ibid., d. 1356, l. 1–4.
GARF. Collection of documents; Popov V.P. Decree. op. P.29.
Zemskov V.N. GULAG: -historical and sociological aspect / Sociological research, 1991, No. 6, p. 13
Polyakov Yu.A. Soviet country after the end of the civil war: territory and population. M. 1986, p. 98, 118
