Millionaire presidents of Saratov universities. Biography Dmitry Fedorovich Ayatskov where now

1965-1969 - machine operator, electrician on the collective farm in the village of Kalinino.

1969-1971 - served in the Armed Forces. He served on the territory of the Polish People's Republic, northern group of forces, air defense.
What he did after returning from the army is unclear. Most likely, he worked in the village of Kalinino. What is known for sure is that in 1977 (six years after returning from the army) he graduated from the Saratov Agricultural Institute.

1977-1979 - chief agronomist of the collective farm named after May 1, Tatishchevsky district, Saratov region.
1979-1980 - chief agronomist of the collective farm "Dawn of Communism" in the Baltaysky district of the Saratov region.
Until 1991 - member of the CPSU. “I didn’t eat my ticket and didn’t throw it away anywhere. We all left the CPSU. If I say today that I am not a communist, I will insult the memory of my father.<...>But I will never stand under the banner of Zyuganov" (interview with the newspaper "Vek", #20, 1998).

1980-1981 - foreman of the production and technological equipment department (UPTK) of military unit #64066 in Saratov.

1981-1986 - head of department, deputy director of the agro-industrial complex of PA "Tantal" of the Ministry of Electronic Industry.
1981-1985 - studied in absentia at the Moscow Cooperative Institute.
1986-1992 - economist, deputy director, first deputy director for commercial activities of Saratovptitseprom PA (since 1991 - Saratovskoye PA, director - Yuri Kitov).

1992-1996 - First Deputy Head of Administration (Vice Mayor) of Saratov.
He earned himself a reputation as a real master of the city. Mayors Yuri Kitov (towards the end of his reign) and Alexander Malikov (at the beginning of his reign) tried to get rid of Ayatskov, who absolutely did not take them into account, but for some reason they could not do this. For details of Ayatskov’s relationship with Kitov and Malikov, see the “Friends and Enemies” section.

Unlike most Russian politicians, he did not take any active part in the events of August 1991 and September 1993. The only thing is that, being a deputy of the Saratov Regional Council of People's Deputies (elected in by-elections in April 1993), he insisted on the self-dissolution of the Council in September 1993.

1993-1995 - Member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the first convocation.
Elected in Saratov two-mandate constituency #64. 4 candidates ran and 4 more, quite influential ones - the representative of the president, the chairman of the city council, the secretary of the regional committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the imam - were unable to register. Ayatskov took second place, gaining 29.6% of the votes, the second mandate was received by the head of the regional administration, Yuri Belykh (34.8%). The mayor of Saratov, Yuri Kitov (26.3%), and the well-known democrat-entrepreneur Vladimir Davydov (24.4%) lost the elections. For details of Ayatskov’s relationship with Belykh, see the “Friends and Enemies” section.
Member of the Federation Council Committee on Security and Defense, member of the Federation Council Committee on Economic Reform.
“Dmitry Fedorovich repeatedly visited “hot spots” - Budennovsk, Nazran *, took part in resolving conflicts in the North Caucasus, Serbia and Croatia. He was the organizer of humanitarian aid from Saratov to Chechnya” (website of the regional administration “Saratov province”).
* - Nazran is not a “hot spot”.

In those same years, he was chairman of the board of the Saratov regional branch of the Reforms - New Deal (RNA) movement, a member of the executive committee and a member of the council of the RNA. Membership in the movement helped Ayatskov make useful connections in Moscow: the leader of the RNA was the speaker of the Federation Council of the first convocation, Vladimir Shumeiko.

In April-September 1996 - head of administration, from September 1996 - governor and chairman of the government of the Saratov region.
On April 15, 1996, he was appointed head of the regional administration by decree of the President of the Russian Federation. On September 1, 1996, he was elected head of the administration. Since September 10, 1996, a law has been in force in the region that abolished the title of the position “head of administration” and introduced “governor” instead. According to the same law, the governor is also the chairman of the regional government.

In June - July 1996, he supported the candidacy of Boris Yeltsin in the presidential elections. He promised the president to tear the Saratov region out of the “red belt” (the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party won the Duma elections of 1993 and 1995). He did not keep his promise: although in the first round Yeltsin was in the lead in the region (35%, Zyuganov - 31%), in the second he was ahead of Zyuganov (50%, Yeltsin - 44%).

In the elections for the head of the regional administration on September 1, 1996, he received 81.35% of the votes (voter turnout - 56.5%). There were 3 candidates registered in the constituency. Ayatskov collected 200 thousand signatures in his support instead of the required 42. Ayatskov’s main rival was considered the candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Anatoly Gordeev (16.29%). The third candidate was the leader of the Saratov branch of the Forward, Russia! movement. Vitaly Pavlov (0.62%).
Initially, Gordeev's chances in the “red” region were great. But, consciously abandoning the tactics of intimidation by the communist threat and forgetting about the democrats, “Ayatskov moved to the center, winning the votes of “neutrals” and the opposition. His election campaign had already begun - a meeting with the Zemstvo Union, which aroused jealousy and denunciations of radical “democrats” to Moscow, - determined his new unification strategy. Following the Zemstvo people, Ayatskov was supported by university rectors, scientists and cultural figures, Saratov Muslims, some organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and even the ultra-communist “Labor Balakovo” of A. Gordeev was split, and the strategic initiative of the election struggle was firmly established. passed into the hands of D. Ayatskov. His opponent had to rebuild on the fly, but to oppose the governor with something.<...>it was difficult" (Zemskoye Obozreniye, August 23, 1996). Still, Ayatskov was not entirely confident of victory; just in case, he persuaded Gordeev to withdraw his candidacy, promising him the position of vice-governor. Ayatskov was supported by the presidential administration Russia, Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation Viktor Chernomyrdin (visit to the region), Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov (visit to the region), Mayor of Saratov Malikov, heads of administrations of the region’s districts, regional Duma.
Four months passed after Ayatskov’s appointment and before his election. During this time, “Ayatskov did several very large and spectacular things. A new maternity hospital in Saratov was completed and inaugurated; a number of multi-billion-dollar transfers were “knocked out” from Moscow - salaries for public sector employees, pensions for the elderly; a bridge across the railway tracks connecting the Zavodskoy district with the center of the city; [enterprises were forced] to find money to pay workers; an agreement was concluded with Moscow and contracts for the supply of large quantities of trolleybuses to the capital, which will allow the completely stopped ZiU to be raised from its knees, flights to remote rural areas have begun" (Zemskoe Obozreniye, August 23, 1996).
The expiration date of the governor's powers is 2000. Assessing his chances of holding on to this post, he said: “I am sure that I will be governor until 2004.<...>A bad soldier is one who does not dream of becoming a general. If I think that I am capable and have the right to be the president of Russia, then I will be one when the circumstances are ripe" (Ayatskov's conference on the Internet, February 24, 1999).

Since April 1996 - member of the Federation Council of the Russian Federation of the second convocation (ex officio). Initially he worked in the Federation Council Committee on International Affairs, then in the Federation Council Committee on Science, Culture, Education, Health and Environment.

“The Saratov path of economic reform often differs from the Russian one and is much more effective in many areas” (website of the regional administration “Saratov province”). Despite the apparent “effectiveness” of Ayatskov’s economic policy, its favorable location, multimillion-dollar investments, and the region’s agricultural and industrial potential, it never became a donor region. Perhaps because it is more profitable to receive subsidies (transfers) from the budget than to feed depressed regions at your own expense. In addition, Ayatskov himself, as a person without complexes, asks for money at the highest level, without feeling the slightest shame. For example, in June 1997, under the pretext of a “record” harvest, he asked Russian President Boris Yeltsin by telephone for money to purchase five hundred new Don grain harvesters. The President helped. In the fall, the media began to write that Ayatskov had deceived the president, that in fact there was no 6-million wheat harvest. “I replied that I really deceived the president: Saratov residents collected not 6 million tons of grain, but 6.5. I repent” (interview with the Vek newspaper, #20, 1998).
In September 1998, even Yeltsin could not stand it and gave Ayatskov a small scolding for the fact that the Saratov region still needs federal transfers. Ayatskov promised that in a year and a half the situation would change (Russian Telegraph, September 18, 1998).

Ayatskov’s main achievement can be considered the creation of an authoritarian governance structure for the region. The newspaper "Rossiyskie Vesti" (April 14, 1999) writes that the management structure has become more like a huge financial and industrial corporation than a state structure: in it there is a rigid vertical of control of everything and everyone directly to the owner.
"I would like to apply the model that exists today in the Saratov region to the whole of Russia. But they simply won’t allow me to do this. The model is simple. The first and most important thing is harmony in society. In Saratov there is no conflict between the branches of government. The second is powerful the team decides, and the governor only controls. And the third is the legislative framework and the use of existing potential.<...>We have too much democracy. Democracy must end as soon as the ballot is cast in the ballot box. All. Democracy is over. Then the authorities work. If the people don’t like the government, go to a referendum and choose another government” (interview with Kommersant-Daily, April 3, 1998).
Harmony in the region is achieved by signing agreements on social harmony. The first version of the agreement (May 1996) corresponded to the generally accepted understanding of this document - it was signed by political parties and religious denominations. But Ayatskov went further, an improved version of the document (August 1998) was called the “Agreement on Public Accord and Social Partnership” and it was signed by everyone: enterprises, government agencies, trade unions and entrepreneurs.

“His thirst for reform knows no bounds. He holds the country’s first auctions for the sale of land in the Saratov region and is trying to legalize, that is, license, prostitution in the regional center of Balakovo” (Profile, May 25, 1998). Actually, Ayatskov became famous at the federal level for these two undertakings. Both reforms were never completed: the brothel in Balakovo was never opened, and the law “On Land” was not widely applied in practice due to inconsistency with federal legislation. Auctions for the sale of land are held, and even a representative office has been opened in Moscow to accept applications for participation in them. But there was excitement only during the first auction (March 1998). So, only the adoption of the law “On Land” by the regional Duma in November 1997 and its successful defense from attempts to repeal it as contrary to federal law can be considered an achievement on this front.
“I don’t argue that urban land sells better.<...>As for farmland, this seems to be partly due to mistrust, partly to the peasant habit of harnessing for a long time and driving quickly" (interview with the newspaper "Vek", #20, 1998).
“Ayatskov was not carried away by brothels - Ayatskov raised a very serious problem, which in Russia only a blind person cannot see.<...>Today thousands and thousands of our most beautiful daughters, sisters, mothers are engaged in prostitution. And this business is very broad. This means that there is a problem, it needs to be identified and solved.<...>Do you think that I am in favor of a red light and for driving everyone under a roof somewhere and replenishing the budget from this? Yes, this is bullshit!" (interview with Kommersant-Daily, April 3, 1998).

Among Ayatskov's Bonaparte plans: to make Saratov the official capital of the Volga region, and in the long term - the capital of Russia. During the gubernatorial elections in 1996, Ayatskov promised that in three or four years Muscovites would envy Saratov residents...
The process of strengthening love for their governor among the main, poor part of the region's voters is facilitated by Ayatskov's numerous populist actions.
Before the 1996 elections, for a number of districts of the region with an unfortunate territorial location, he reduced prices for liquefied gas and established a fixed fee for electricity. He resumed the work of local airlines to two regional centers, and the price of an air ticket was set within the cost of travel to these centers by... buses ("New Style", August 10, 1996). It is not clear how the losses of gas workers, energy companies and airlines were covered.
For the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation (December 1999), he implemented the “People’s Bread” and “People’s Gasoline” projects.
"People's gasoline" AI-72 at a fixed price of 2.5 rubles. per liter Ayatskov obliged the production of the subsidiary of NK Sidanko OJSC Kreking. Low-income groups of the population, war veterans, and disabled people have a preferential right to purchase the AI-72. Gasoline has a low octane number, which makes it unsuitable for use in modern cars (even domestic ones, not to mention foreign cars). Fuel of such poor quality has not been produced in our country for many years (Vremya MN, September 8, 1999). As for NK Sidanko, the volume of financial investments in the implementation of the program amounts to more than 10 million rubles. per month, then she has not been indignant for a long time. Having become governor, Ayatskov threatened the oligarchs to take away the property received during wild privatization if they did not take into account the interests of the local authorities. And so that there would be no doubt about the seriousness of the governor’s intentions and his capabilities, the local shareholders of its subsidiaries organized a boycott of Sidanko NC personally (Rossiyskie Vesti, April 14, 1999). In November 1999, Ayatskov presented Sidanko representatives with an honorary badge “for perseverance and survival” in the conditions of the Saratov reforms.
People were in no hurry to buy up “people's bread” made from second-grade flour at a price of 1 ruble 50 kopecks. The gray, nondescript loaves did not inspire confidence among buyers, and therefore regional officials ostentatiously ate the bread and praised it. The demand for “people's bread” increased slightly after the price of normal bread increased (by 40%). This was caused by losses incurred by bakeries from the production of "people's". Ayatskov promised to compensate the bakers for their losses with a free supply of grain for the production of “folk grain”. The wheat will come from the reserve grain fund, to which the heads of districts have pledged to donate 50 kg of grain from each harvested hectare. “A curious hybrid of charity and surplus appropriation” (Izvestia, August 25, 1999).
“Well, as for populism itself, in our country we cannot live without it for now. It is important to maintain a sense of proportion, otherwise it will overwhelm you, tear you off the ground and burn like a dandelion” (Ayatskov, interview with the newspaper “Vek”, #20, 1998) .
"A recent Financial Times article called you a populist reformist. How accurate do you think that is?" - “If they called it that way, why am I going to sue, then that’s how it is” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

In the summer of 1997, a helicopter carrying Ayatskov suddenly landed in the village of Ilovatka, Staropoltavsky district, Volgograd region. Talking about life with residents of the oil-bearing region, Ayatskov suggested that the residents of Ilovatia... move to the Saratov region. When the head of the administration of the Volgograd region found out about his neighbor’s visit to his land. Nikolai Maksyuta, Ayatskov explained that his proposal was made as a joke, and he flew in to see how the American turtle bug was eating Volgograd crops.

The Guberniya newspaper (March 4, 1998) reported that Ayatskov was going to liquidate sobering stations and replace them with a help service that would deliver drunks home for a fee. For people who are at such a stage of intoxication that they are no longer able to clearly state their address, several “special assistance centers” will be created, where there will be no police - only doctors. In such institutions, unlike sobering stations, human rights will not be violated, but it will cost the person more.

“Is it true that you promised to give the first child born in the 21st century a valuable gift: an apartment for a boy, a car for a girl?” - “Yes, and I will keep my promise. We held the event “Night of Love” on March 27, 1999 - the day of the conception of a child who will approximately be born on January 1, 2000. As far as I know, some members of the regional government took part in this action” ( Ayatskov conference on the Internet, March 31, 1999).

The region willingly accepts refugees from the countries of the former CIS, especially from Kazakhstan. “We do not interfere with migrants, since migration processes are a normal phenomenon. If a person considers it necessary to choose the Saratov region as a [new homeland] and is ready to do a lot for its prosperity, we will gladly accept him and his family” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet , May 25, 1998).

In April 1999, Ayatskov expressed a desire to accept 50 thousand (!) refugees from Yugoslavia. Since he wanted to see both Albanians and Serbs, journalists began to sneer about a mini-Kosovo on the territory of the Saratov province (Obshchaya Gazeta, April 22, 1999). The Russian Foreign Ministry responded to Ayatskov quite sharply. He explained that the decision to accept refugees from Yugoslavia “relates to the sphere of foreign policy and can only be taken by the Russian government on the instructions of the president” and for Russia “the problem of accommodating hundreds of thousands of compatriots who fled, in particular from Tajikistan and Chechnya, is extremely acute.” (Today, April 16, 1999). Ayatskov did not express any desire to accept refugees from these hot spots.

In the fall of 1999, in the elections to the State Duma of the third convocation, he finished in the top three on the NDR list.
For details of Ayatskov’s relationship with NDR leader Viktor Chernomyrdin, see the “Friends and Enemies” section.

In 1998, a funny incident in Birmingham (May 17, 1998) added political points to Ayatskov. Russian President Boris Yeltsin, introducing Ayatskov to US President Bill Clinton, called him his favorite governor. Clinton responded by saying that Ayatskov looks quite fit to be president. After this, Ayatskov walked around happy for a day and was considered Yeltsin’s successor. Ayatskov’s bliss ended when Yeltsin’s press secretary Sergei Yastrzhembsky specifically explained to the media (May 18) that the hint about Ayatskov’s future presidency should be viewed “from the point of view of healthy humor” and “the president said this half-jokingly.”
In Birmingham, Yeltsin and Clinton promised Ayatskov to come to the Saratov region to hunt. “I don’t know who we’re going to hunt here, maybe women?” - Ayatskov was perplexed.
In September 1998, this already comic story had a completely hilarious ending. After a meeting with Clinton in Moscow, Ayatskov said: “I envy Monica Lewinsky - a good man!” (quoted from Moskovsky Komsomolets, September 3, 1998). The media, remembering exactly how Clinton made love to Monica, began to giggle about Ayatskov’s unconventional sexual orientation. “And this at a time when there are so many single guys on the streets of Saratov!..” (“Komsomolskaya Pravda”, September 4, 1998). “Apparently, the Saratov land, already glorified by the governor’s intention to open brothels, may become a place chosen by the “blues” (“Russian News”, September 9, 1998).

In March 2000, he won the gubernatorial elections for the second time, gaining 67.31% (preliminary data).

Father - Fedor Kuzmich. “I am proud that my father received a party card from Stalin’s hands on Red Square. He left the parade on a KV tank to defend Moscow” (interview with the Vek newspaper, #20, 1998). He worked as a tractor driver. Died 1983

Mother - Anna Petrovna. In 1933, to escape hunger, she moved to Central Asia, where she worked in the cotton fields. Returned to Saratov region. in 1939 and got married. In 1940, the first son was born, and in 1942, her husband died at the front. After the war, I met Ayatskov Sr., who had returned from the front. They had four more children, the second of whom was Dmitry (New Style, August 10, 1996). She worked as a cook in a nursery. She is a believer and baptized her children.

Ayatskov's younger brother is a driver.

Married. Two children.

The wife is a housewife. “I always want to be well fed and in a clean shirt” (Ayatskov, interview with the newspaper “Vek”, #20, 1998).

Son - Alexander. Served in the Armed Forces. Studied at the institute. “Works as an assistant to a State Duma deputy” (Ayatskov, interview with the newspaper “Vek”, #20, 1998). Since about 1999, he has been working at the Saratov branch of Gazprom.

Daughter - Ekaterina. Student at Moscow State University.

Other relatives of Ayatskov:

Matchmaker. According to Ayatskov, chief engineer of Norilsk Nickel (Krasnoyarsk Territory, possibly referring to Sergei Ershov).

Nephew. As Ayatskov puts it, he “commands the economy” in the area where their family nest, Stolypino, is located (most likely, this refers to the position of deputy head of the district administration for economic issues). "Are you a descendant of P.A. Stolypin?" - “I’m not, but my nephew is very similar to Stolypin” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

TITLES AND AWARDS

Order of the Badge of Honor.
Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (1997).
Order of the Blessed Prince Daniel of Moscow, II degree (ROC).

FRIENDS AND ENEMIES

Ayatskov owes the successful start of his political career to his boss, the director of Saratovptitseprom, Yuri Kitov. In June 1992, Kitov was appointed head of the Saratov administration by presidential decree. After this, the first deputy of Saratovptitseprom for commercial issues, Dmitry Ayatskov, automatically became the first deputy mayor.

Ayatskov did not waste any time in his new position. “He skillfully used the benefits of his position and the trust of the mayor, who considered Ayatskov his friend. To understand the situation, it is important to take into account that Mr. Mayor himself, Yuri Kitov, did not want, for example, to personally contact criminal structures, who in every possible way sought the opportunity to establish contact with the top officials of the mayor’s office The function of communicating with them was, according to numerous statements of city entrepreneurs, assigned to Ayatskov. On the other hand, Ayatskov won the favor of the same entrepreneurs - because he easily and willingly fulfilled their requests, which were formally beyond his competence or could not be fulfilled legally. basis (Kitov simply refused in such situations.) He made promises even more willingly. By the fall of 1993, he had developed a reputation as a “business man” who willingly helps petitioners (in particular, being able to provide a reliable “cover” from racketeering) and having great flexibility in terms of business. attitude towards the law. A large financial group has emerged that supports Ayatskov financially and is interested in his promotion as an official and political figure. Moreover, Ayatskov also formed his own commercial interests, which he defended, relying, in particular, on his semi-criminal connections (even to the point of direct instructions on whom to “attack” and what to demand). At the same time, he managed to achieve support from the security forces - the tax police and the Central Internal Affairs Directorate" (article "Saratov and its leaders: the paths of warriors" from the "Russian collection", prepared by the information and expert group "Panorama" in 1995).

By mid-1993, Ayatskov had become so strong that he challenged his patron - he ran for election to the Federation Council against Kitov. Actually, he might not have opposed it: the constituency had two mandates and, under a favorable set of circumstances, the mandates would have been enough for both. But Ayatskov decided that an alliance with the head of the regional administration, Yuri Belykh, would be more beneficial for him to win. They made an agreement. Everything indicates that Belykh promised Ayatskov the position of mayor of Saratov, “at least, he behaved during this period as a future mayor, distributing appointments in advance” (“Panorama”), and Ayatskov Belykh - help from financial structures. “Panorama” believes that Belykh, when concluding the alliance, “demonstrated amazing naivety,” not thinking about what would happen to him if he broke his promise. In December 1993, Belykh and Ayatskov successfully entered the Federation Council of the first convocation. But it was not possible to remove Kitov under the pretext of distrust of the population - in the regional center Kitov was ahead of both Ayatskov and Belykh.
Kitov did not forgive the betrayal and even before the elections tried to dismiss Ayatskov from his administration. But for some unknown reasons he failed. Then Kitov appointed a second first deputy, Anatoly Zotov, and went to the hospital with a heart attack (December 1993).
Zotov, like Kitov, turned out to be weak and unable to resist Ayatskov’s arrogance and pressure. But Ayatskov had no intention of leaving the mayor’s office. On the contrary, he behaved “like an already appointed mayor”: he acquired his own security, sealed Zotov’s office (Zotov responded in kind), and forbade his car from leaving the departmental garage. Referring to statements from citizens received by him as a deputy of the Federation Council, he accused Zotov of “abuse of official position” and created a city hall commission to investigate these abuses. Zotov and the head of the public relations department of the city hall, Ivan Yalynychev (who also came under fire from Ayatskov’s “heavy artillery”) rushed to seek protection from the media and the governor, although they understood that Belykh may have sanctioned Ayatskov’s actions.
In January 1994, Kitov appeared at work, but on February 2 he was removed from the post of mayor and appointed head of the regional department of the transport inspection. Two weeks later (February 18) he committed suicide. Moreover, he did this with two shots from a hunting rifle, and, characteristically, both were fatal... The circumstances of Kitov’s death were so strange that people said for a long time that they “helped” him. It seems that Kitov was going to complain to Moscow and he had something to tell in the capital. At the same time, Zotov and city hall manager Alexander Frolov disappeared from the region, “taken to an unknown direction” by law enforcement agencies (Panorama). Already in March 1994, Ayatskov realized that he had gotten carried away and asked to change Zotov’s preventive measure - to be released from custody under his, Ayatskov’s, personal responsibility.
After watching all this, Belykh finally realized who he had contacted and was scared. It was not Ayatskov who was appointed the new mayor, but the mayor of the Saratov satellite city of Engels, Alexander Malikov. Malikov at first tried to establish control over the financial flows of the mayor’s office, but then “gave up and stopped the fight. According to rumors, in exchange for personal guarantees from the enemy” (“Panorama”). And the offended Ayatskov began to intrigue against the Whites.
Ayatskov’s struggle with Belykh proceeded as if without Ayatskov’s personal participation. At the first stage, Ayatskov was personified by the regional Duma, elected not without his participation, which intended to adopt the region’s charter, which Belykh really did not like (the charter provided for the election of the head of the administration). Although the charter was adopted in December 1994, this was not a victory for Ayatskov - Belykh managed to postpone the elections for an indefinitely long time, which was very unfavorable for Ayatskov, whose popularity fell with each month of delay. Realizing this, Ayatskov intensified his activities on the front of whispering to the right people in Moscow about how Belykh was ruining things in the region.
The fight against Belykh ended with Ayatskov’s victory after the elections to the State Duma in December 1995, when the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party received the majority in the region. There was nothing strange about this: in the previous Duma elections in December 1993, the majority was the same (only in a different order: LDPR and Communist Party of the Russian Federation). But, having influential contacts in Moscow, Ayatskov managed to present this as a disaster. The removal of Belykh was not without a scandal: the original wording about violations in the expenditure of financial resources under pressure from the Federation Council had to be changed to “at their own request.” It was planned that after Ayatskov’s appointment the region would be torn out of the “red belt”. But he failed to quickly fulfill his promise. In the presidential elections that followed Ayatskov’s appointment (summer 1996), in the second round, the majority of residents of the region supported Gennady Zyuganov (50%, Yeltsin - 44%).

There is one unpleasant trend in Ayatskov’s relations with his political friends. He can suddenly, out of the blue, say nasty things about a loved one, and then declare that he didn’t say anything terrible and that everything he said was only for the benefit of his friend. But the most amazing thing is that in most cases he is forgiven and continues to be loved (see examples below).

Ayatskov’s appointment as head of the administration of the Saratov region was facilitated by his connections in the Federation Council, and above all, good personal relations with Speaker Vladimir Shumeiko. In the Reforms - New Course (RNA) movement created by Shumeiko, the Saratov branch led by Ayatskov was considered exemplary. At the same time, Ayatskov did not deny himself the pleasure of criticizing Shumeiko: “Who needs such a speaker who knows only two roads - either to the Kremlin or abroad?” (interview with Pravda, February 1, 1995).

“When I was appointed governor, the president did not consult with me. A month later we met, and he said: “When I saw your name, I immediately signed the decree.” We have known each other for 11 years. He has a very tenacious memory. So I don’t think that in this case there should have been a conversation. I have many friends both in the White House and in the Kremlin who said that my candidacy was being considered" - "It seems that you meet with Boris Yeltsin more often than other governors." - “Yes. Last year 15 times, this year - 5. Another meeting is scheduled for May 29. I can call and he will pick up the phone. Naturally, I don’t call for trifles. We probably have a certain sympathy for each other. I see in him a leader not only on a Russian scale. He is a kind of nugget that is underestimated" (from an interview with the newspaper "Vek", #20, 1998).
At the same time: “Ayatskov (about himself in the third person - RBC’s note) criticized President Yeltsin more than anyone else. Pick up the newspaper files and read.<...>A new president will be elected, and I will also passionately support him” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, May 25, 1998).
Back in the early summer of 1998, Ayatskov spoke out in the sense that there was “nothing wrong with the president’s resignation and early elections” (quoted from Russian Thought, Paris, July 16, 1998). For any other politician close to the president, not only such words, but even the very thought of it could be fatal - everyone knows how sensitive Yeltsin is to attempts to shorten his time in the Kremlin. And Ayatskov is like water off a duck’s back: he talks to Yeltsin on the phone, invites him to visit.
The story of how Ayatskov one day became Yeltsin’s successor is described in detail in the “Full Biography” section.
In the fall of 1999, showing his loyalty to the current president, as an observer from the NDR, he was present at the formation of the organizing committee of the pro-presidential bloc "Unity" (later - "Bear") and signed an appeal from members of the Federation Council to the president with a proposal to send a proposal to the Federation Council for the third time removal of Prosecutor General Yuri Skuratov from office. He turned out to be the only signatory who confirmed his involvement in this document.

Since April 1997 - member of the presidium of the political council of the movement "Our Home is Russia".
In the spring of 1998, after the resignation of the leader of the NDR, Viktor Chernomyrdin, from the post of prime minister, the first of the governors began to criticize him. The news of the government's resignation found Ayatskov in Japan, where he called Chernomyrdin a "political corpse" ("I said absolutely nothing about a political corpse. How can he be a corpse when he is still running on his feet?" - Ayatskov interview with Kommersant-Daily ", April 3, 1998). And upon returning to Russia, Ayatskov called the NDR a “roof” standing on “straw legs” (Kommersant-Daily). Some media outlets believed that Ayatskov had left the NDR, but despite the harshness of his statements, he refused to leave the movement and its political council. “We are the chicks of Chernomyrdin’s nest, which the president created with straws. And so far no one is going to fly away from this nest” (Kommersant-Daily). Although in the same interview, Ayatskov hinted at the possibility of creating a “new powerful party” based on the Saratov region, led by the “bright Russian star”, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov. But since Ayatskov never created a party himself and hardly had any idea how this was done, it seemed easier for Ayatskov to remove the weak leader of an already existing party. Although he was naive in this: such actions usually lead to a split in the party, and the dissenter most often does not get the largest part of it.
Continuing to mock Chernomyrdin, he gave him a fishing rod for his 60th birthday: “they say, it’s time to retire and fish” (“Profile”, May 18, 1998). “And at the same time he also hinted that even after resigning from the post of head of government, Chernomyrdin would be better off leaving the post of leader of the NDR and putting an end to his political career. What a gift!” ("Profile"). Ayatskov dwelled on the topic of changing the leader of the NDR for a long time (“The NDR is dying out. A leader is needed. It’s not without reason that they say: every herd must have its own leader” - “Vek”, #20, 1998), he said that the new leader should be young. On September 4, 1998, at a meeting of the Federation Council, he spoke out against Chernomyrdin’s return to the post of prime minister. In response to Chernomyrdin’s characterizations of Kiriyenko’s rule (“The impression is that Mamai has passed. There’s a hair standing on my head - thank God, even though it’s not enough”), he retorted: “Mamai has already passed through Russia. I believe that it was Chernomyrdin. Everything must be done so that Mamai does not return to Russia." And regarding the coalition government headed by the same Chernomyrdin, he said: “In Russian history there has already been one coalition government, the head of which later ran away, dressed in a woman’s dress” (Novye Izvestia, September 2, 1998). Tried to get Chernomyrdin to sit on the political council of the NDR on November 14, 1998 - “When the leader is sick, the flock begins to look for another leader.” And at the opposition rally on October 7 in Samara, “he even agreed to the point that it was he who allegedly dismissed Chernomyrdin” (“Samara Review,” October 12, 1998), but, against the backdrop of General Albert Makashov’s fiery speech on the Jewish issue, this Ayatskov’s revelation did not make much of an impression on journalists.
Chernomyrdin Ayatskova understood and took advantage of his ambitions to return the prodigal son to the party fold. In January 1999, Chernomyrdin came to Saratov to make peace with Ayatskov and persuade him to stay in the NDR. He told the journalists who met him that he was sympathetic to the governor’s idea to put a more successful leader at the head of the movement - at least Ayatskov himself, and it was quite possible that the Saratov governor would lead the NDR to the parliamentary elections (Profile, January 18, 1999). After this, at the political council of the NDR, Ayatskov publicly apologized to Chernomyrdin for the devastating criticism in recent months. “We had a good time with Viktor Stepanovich in Saratov, it turned out he’s a normal guy” (“Komsomolskaya Pravda”, February 19, 1999). The truce took place. “I am sure that many parties will knock on the doors of Our House,” Ayatskov changed the record (Rossiyskaya Gazeta, April 23, 1999).

But after some time, Ayatskov realized that Chernomyrdin’s words, like Yeltsin’s words in Birmingham, should be viewed “from the point of view of healthy humor,” and began to flirt with Yuri Luzhkov’s “Fatherland” and “Right Cause,” guessing who would be more profitable for him to join . Ayatskov could not participate in the gubernatorial blocs “Voice of Russia” and “All Russia”: their leaders Mintimer Shaimiev and Konstantin Titov are Ayatskov’s competitors for influence in the Volga region. The determining motive in his choice of bloc was the number on the election list. When Ayatskov realized that no one would offer a regional politician without his own party better than #3 on the federal list of the NDR, he resigned himself to his fate.

Relations with another, now former, leader of the NDR, Alexander Shokhin, were also not the most pleasant. For example, when a Kommersant-Daily journalist (April 3, 1998) told Ayatskov that Shokhin had spoken unflatteringly about him (“Ayatskov became interested in brothels”), Ayatskov lost his temper. He said that Shokhin also learned about the resignation of the Chernomyrdin government in Japan, “he rode in the elevator and<...>I just shit my pants. And he began to rush about. What should he do - ask for political asylum somewhere or run to where the can is buried?

Luzhkov and Ayatskov cannot be called friends. Their relationship is more like rivalry (at least on Ayatskov’s part), but, oddly enough, Ayatskov’s envy of the Moscow mayor only attracts him to Luzhkov.
They are brought together by gigantomania. But Ayatskov is unable to fully expand due to lack of money. “In 1996, I gathered builders and said that before, many centuries ago, our ancestors built without nails. I propose to build without money. Since then we have been building” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).
In architectural undertakings, Ayatskov clearly has less imagination than Luzhkov, so he follows the path of borrowing. At the project level, there are: an underground shopping center on Teatralnaya Square in Saratov (analogous to the one built in Moscow on Manezhnaya Square), a business center (analogous to the Moscow Business City project). The only thing that Luzhkov does not have, but Ayatskov does, is the Volga River. There is an opportunity here to outdo the Moscow mayor. Ayatskov is building a unique bridge across the Volga, the length of which with approaches will be 17 km, and plans to build an international airport with a runway on Kazachiy Island, so that planes will take off directly over the river and, according to opponents, interfere with shipping.
In September 1997, Ayatskov organized a celebration of the 200th anniversary of the Saratov province (in the same year Moscow celebrated its 850th anniversary), accompanied by the solemn signing of an agreement on the division of powers with the federal authorities, a visit by Russian President Boris Yeltsin and a record grain harvest (6 million tons, which are described above).
Another issue of honor and prestige: the condition of the city streets. For Luzhkov's visit to Saratov in August 1996, the city was put in order. The newspaper "Saratov Reporter" (August 20, 1996) noted an unprecedented assault on beautifying the face of the city. Garbage cans made of non-ferrous metals were ordered (later stolen by the population), curbs and trees were whitewashed, etc. But the governor was dissatisfied with the results and gave his mayor Aksenenko a beating (see below).
Ayatskov consoles himself with the thought that now Luzhkov compares himself with him, and not vice versa (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998), although he understands that the only thing Luzhkov can envy him about is his age.

The mayor of Saratov, Yuri Aksenenko, took over this post after Ayatskov was appointed governor. Oddly enough, he still holds this post to this day. Unlike most mayors of regional centers, he is a forced man. The mayor in Saratov is not elected by the population, but by the City Duma from among the deputies on the proposal of the governor.
Ayatskov constantly pokes his mayor: “After a month of repairing facades, I gave Mayor Aksenenko a month of wiping snot” (“Saratov Reporter”, August 20, 1996), “If tomorrow the mayor doesn’t put things in order in the botanical garden, I’ll screw his head off and I will prove to 34 deputies that this is the only true medicine for him" (Komsomolskaya Pravda, October 3, 1998). Many governors can only envy Ayatskov (for example, Evgeny Nazdratenko), and mayors can sympathize with Aksenenko.

Among Ayatskov’s most loyal associates in the region are the leader of the Union of Reserve Officers Nikolai Semenets and Vyacheslav Volodin.

The second most popular politician in the region, Volodin is one of the organizers of Ayatskov’s election campaign to the Federation Council in 1993. In May 1994, he entered the regional Duma on the list of the Union of Reserve Officers supported by Ayatskov. He was deputy chairman of the regional Duma from the “Center” deputy group. He was unable to take the post of speaker only due to his youth, but his influence was so high that he was called the “gray cardinal of the Duma.” After his appointment as governor, Ayatskov took Volodin into his administration as first deputy (vice-governor - first deputy chairman of the government of the Saratov region).

The biography of Semenets and Volodin contains facts confirming Ayatskov’s closeness to Luzhkov. The fact is that Ayatskov delegated these most devoted cadres to Fatherland. Semenets headed the regional branch of the Fatherland movement, created under the personal control of the governor, and is running for the State Duma of the third convocation on the list of OVR #4 in the Volga group. And Volodin Ayatskov sent to Moscow - to the executive committee of the Fatherland movement. Volodin received the post of deputy secretary of the Fatherland political council and is running for the State Duma on the OVR #1 list in the Volga group. Ayatskov hopes that after the parliamentary elections in December 1999, Volodin will lead the Fatherland faction in the State Duma.

The Profile magazine (April 12, 1999) names the director of the Saratov Liksar distillery, Roman Pipia, as one of the businessmen closest to Ayatskov. Pipiya is so close to Ayatskov that Liksar is considered a structure closed to inspections by local fiscal authorities. According to Profile, Ayatskov personally put Pipiya in charge of Liksar. “Why Ayatskov liked him is not known for certain, but they say they know each other well from their work at the Saratov Poultry Industry, where the current governor was deputy director. Ayatskov, who sought to control all financially important production, could not entrust such a strategically important facility as distillery, to a stranger. After all, the production of vodka is one of the few sources of obtaining “real” money. Now Pipia can often be found in Ayatskov’s reception room, about which they talk privately, perhaps only those closest to him know" ("Profile" ). Tax revenues from the sale of vodka account for about 30% of the budget of the Saratov region. Lobbying for the interests of the plant, Ayatskov obliged stores to make at least 50% of their vodka turnover from Lixar products. The prosecutor's office protested such restrictions several times, but instead of the previous documents, new ones appeared. At the end of 1998, Liksar “was quietly corporatized”: 49% and the right to veto decisions of the shareholders’ meeting remained with the state, and who now owns 51% of the shares, “no one except Pipia and Ayatskov knows” (“Profile”) ").

Having learned about Alexander Lebed's victory in the elections for governor of the Krasnoyarsk Territory, Ayatskov said that he "intends to stand as a candidate in the 2000 presidential elections in Russia if Lebed participates in the elections." At the same time, Ayatskov clarified that he “really” assesses “his chances for the presidency,” which he has “higher than Lebed’s” (“Hour,” Riga, May 19, 1998). “You said that you will participate in the presidential elections only if Alexander Lebed participates in them. What kind of strange connection is this?” - “Well, you have to answer something. The question was: “Swan will stand as a candidate for the presidential election. And you?” Well, I said: “If there is a Swan, then so will I” (“Vek”, #20, 1998).

In the gubernatorial elections of 1996, Ayatskov took advantage of the already existing headquarters of public support for President Boris Yeltsin (“Our Word”, August 9, 1996), expelling from it representatives of the “Our Home is Russia” and “Reforms - a New Course” movements, who failed in region Yeltsin's campaign. During the elections, Ayatskov was supported by all democratic parties except the Democratic Party of Russia and Yabloko.

On June 10, 1996, the regional election commission registered an initiative group of the Saratov LDPR to collect signatures to register Ayatskov as a candidate for governor. The coordinator of the Saratov branch of the LDPR, Mikhail Chugunov, was registered as the authorized representative of the group with the regional election commission. Most likely, Ayatskov used the registration of another group to collect signatures. “In business contact with election commissions and the leadership of headquarters to support Ayatskov, all coordinators of city and district LDPR organizations, more than 200 agitators - members of the LDPR - conscientiously and actively work in assigned areas” (newspaper "LDPR in Saratov", August 7, 1996. ).

Ayatskov never caused allergies among local communists. And the leaders of the all-Russian level, Gennady Zyuganov (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) and Mikhail Lapshin (APR), spoke rather flatteringly about Ayatskov. But after the adoption of the Law “On Land,” an exemplary surge of hatred followed. And then praising Ayatskov began to be considered bad form by the communists.

Ayatskov has long been actively supported by the Tatar diaspora of the Saratov region. So the opposition even began to gossip that Ayatskov was actually not Dmitry Fedorovich, but Damir Faridovich, and changed his name when receiving a passport.

According to Ayatskov, he has “too many spiteful critics, from whose bites the area below the back is all bitten and resembles the American flag” (“Hour”, Riga, May 19, 1998). Ayatskov often associates his connections with this part of the body: “There must be a very strong team nearby. So that it does not fit, excuse me, to the ass” (Ayatskov, “Arguments and Facts”, #49, 1999).

“The newspapers “Bogatei”, “Saratovskie Vedomosti”, “Delovaya Gazeta” describe from cover to cover how bad I am. Could I close these newspapers? Probably I could, but I don’t do it” (“Vek”, #20 , 1998).

On December 5, 1998, Dmitry Ayatskov left through the service door of the Philharmonic building, where he was meeting with people, got into the car and drove to the airport, never knowing that Alexander Ustinov, armed with a cleaver, was waiting for him at the front door.

Ustinov is an extraordinary personality: a high level of intelligence, extensive memory and erudition, he knew several languages. He was unable to obtain a higher education diploma - he was expelled from the university for freethinking, went to prison for a fight, returned with tuberculosis and after an operation became disabled. I spent my entire pension on philosophical books and could not find a job. At night he wrote in notebooks plans to seize power in the country.

In July 1999, Ustinov was declared insane and sent for compulsory treatment to a specialized hospital with intensive observation. At the trial, testimony against him was given by the leaders of local nationalists (Russian National Party), whom Ustinov pestered with proposals for joint actions to eliminate Ayatskov, the Cossacks, to whom he proposed to seize the cash-in-transit vehicle, and the rector of the Intercession Cathedral, who wrote a denunciation to the FSB, after that how “possessed by demons” Ustinov invited him to “participate in the murder of Yeltsin, take hostage the heir of the Romanov house and rob the cashier of the bakery.” Everyone confirmed that the murder of Ayatskov was his favorite and most developed idea.

LIFE STYLE

He is characterized as a tough, decisive, assertive, energetic, authoritarian leader. Proud, purposeful, rude (“Gas workers are mischievous with hot water. I’ll put them in a polar bear pose!”). Often talks about himself in the third person.

“Dima was a hardworking, stubborn, neat character, he loved to lead, he was always tinkering with something. He studied normally: there were C’s and A’s. He was always full of friends.<...>He is a confident person, an optimist” - Ayatskov’s mother (interview with “New Style”, August 10, 1996).

Company cars: BMW-750 and UAZ-469. According to Profile magazine (July 5, 1999), Ayatskov loves the BMW 750 so much that “I would be happy to buy this executive class sedan for personal use. But for now, unfortunately, there is no such opportunity.” It is not clear why Ayatskov needs company cars at all: in 1998, he purchased a batch of bicycles from a local mechanical plant. He began to ride a bicycle to work himself and forced all the top officials of the province to do this. “The bike is all-weather, mountain. It is equipped with an on-board computer, 28 speeds, including one rear. One drawback is that it is single-seat, but reliable - it is made of titanium” (governor’s joke, Internet conference, May 25, 1998).

The governor's sporting bullying of local officials also includes swimming in the Epiphany cold. “For the second year now, Saratov officials have been waiting for this day with bated breath. According to the unwritten governor’s order, all ministers and employees of his apparatus must follow the boss into the hole. You can only “mow” for a very good reason” (“Komsomolskaya Pravda” , January 21, 1999).

“Despite the winter, I ride a bicycle, play volleyball, ride a Yamaha snowmobile. Last Sunday I caught a fox on a snowmobile. Sport is health” (Ayatskov’s Internet conference on February 24, 1999).

According to data presented by Ayatskov to the Central Election Commission in October 1999, his income for 1998 amounted to 274,321 rubles (governor’s salary, teaching activities, other income), he owned a plot of 10 acres in the Saratov region. on which his dacha stands, 162 sq. m, an apartment in Saratov 120 sq. m, a personal car VAZ-21099 and a boat, as well as either a garage or “another building” with an area of ​​24 sq. m in Saratov.

According to the magazine "Profile" (December 15, 1997), Ayatskov's land plot in Stolypino is not 10 acres, but five hectares. This plot was acquired by the governor as private property under the Saratov Law “On Land”.

Ayatskov still did not indicate his main property during registration. “I am the richest man in the Saratov region. And I don’t hide it. I have 9,150,000,000 dollars - that’s what the Saratov region is worth today” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

In 1994, he began building a house for his mother. Construction ended in 1996. My mother was happy about the housewarming, but she missed the old house, and they didn’t seem to be planning to sell it either: “All my life without amenities - I bathed my children in a zinc bath behind the stove, we’ve been living in this house for forty-six years. Let it stand as a family museum" (Ayatskov's mother, interview with New Style, August 10, 1996).

“My dog, the German shepherd Dick, loves me most of all [at home]. He doesn’t ask questions and, I think, has already overlooked everything: he’s waiting for me to come home” (Ayatskov, interview with the newspaper “Vek”, #20, 1998) .

In the summer of 1999, Ayatskov mentioned that he had... a pet crocodile. Journalists tried to find out who gave Ayatskov the crocodile and who is caring for it. In the conversation, Ayatskov flared up and declared that “I bought it myself in the form of an egg and hatched it myself, and I take care of it myself, and when it grows up, I will make boots from it for my wife” (quoted from “Evening Kazan” dated June 16, 1999. ).

The crocodile is not the only exotic animal on Ayatskov’s farm. “My animals: two bears, two donkeys, camels, horses, swans” (Ayatskov conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

In the program “Hero of the Day Without a Tie,” Ayatskov said: “He who controls a camel can rule the state.” Obviously, Ayatskov knew what he was talking about.

The number of Ayatskov's horses is estimated as a herd (as of the end of 1997 - 8 horses). The horses live at the hippodrome, where they perform. “I hope that June, whose rider will be the governor (about himself in the third person - RBC’s note), will show good results. Recently I had to buy an elite stallion for the Elan stud farm. In Azerbaijan, they tried to give me a horse named Karabakh. But I refused: Until the conflict is resolved, I will not accept such gifts" (Ayatskov conference on the Internet, August 20, 1998).

I wonder where Ayatskov keeps all these animals, even if we take into account that the horses live at the hippodrome, and the bears at the governor’s residence (this is not a joke, but Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet on May 25, 1998). Perhaps the non-residential premises with an area of ​​24 square meters, indicated by him when registering with the Central Election Commission in October 1999, is not a garage at all, but a menagerie.

He claims that he does not use security services (interview with the newspaper "Vek", #20, 1998).

Collects bladed weapons, watches and bells. “I am very jealous of collectibles. Yesterday, for example, I was happy like a child. They gave me a new Swiss watch” (interview with the newspaper “Vek”, #20, 1998).

In 1999, he expressed a desire to fly into space in 2001 in honor of the 40th anniversary of Yuri Gagarin's flight. Money to send the governor into orbit ($10-12 million) will be provided by local philanthropists (Profile, May 10, 1999, citing Kommersant-Vlast).

The newspaper "Saratov Reporter" (August 20, 1996) conducted a survey among the beautiful part of the population of Saratov. When answering the question "Who is the cutest man?" Ayatskov ended up fourth (lost to Vyacheslav Volodin, entrepreneur Vladimir Mishin and regional Duma deputy Vyacheslav Maltsev). And to the question “Who would you marry if the opportunity presented itself?” the vast majority of the ladies named Ayatskova. “It must be assumed that a trivial calculation played a decisive role in the choice,” the newspaper concluded, because when answering the question “Who would you like to spend the night with?” Ayatskov was not mentioned at all.

“On the third day of my stay in Moscow, my hands and all other parts of my body begin to itch. Because I’m used to Saratov, I love Saratov and will work in Saratov,” Ayatskov said in an interview with Kommersant-Daily (April 3, 1998). ) in response to the question why he would never agree to work in the Russian government.

Later it turned out that the reason was not an allergy, it was just that Ayatskov, agreeing to work in the government, categorically refused to part with the post of governor, and no one was going to make such an exception for his sake. “I had a conversation with Yeltsin and Primakov about joining Primakov’s government with the rank of deputy prime minister, without leaving the post of governor of the Saratov region. Tomorrow I have a meeting with Primakov, if he confirms his proposal, I will give a positive answer.<...>Everything will depend on the prime minister, what he offers me, whether I agree or disagree, in any case I will remain the governor of the Saratov region" (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, September 28, 1998).

Resting in his native village. He erected a monument to Stolypin there and restored the temple of Demetrius Donskoy (“with the money of patrons and with my participation” - Ayatskov, interview with “Vek”, #20 1998). He renamed the village from Kalinino (formerly Dmitrovka) to Stolypino: “They held a referendum. Only 20-30 people were against it” (Ayatskov, “Vek”).

A portrait of Stolypin hangs in the governor’s office.

“I would really like to know how your beautiful face with a halo above your head appeared on the wall in the church? Were you really canonized during your lifetime?” - “A helpful fool is more dangerous than an enemy” (Ayatskov’s conference on the Internet, February 24, 1999).